When Vajpayee came close to settling Ramjanambhoomi-Babri masjid dispute amicably

Advani had also written in his book that President Musharraf in his memoirs, “ In the Line of Fire” had accused the BJP hardliner of scuttling the summit. Many scholars on both sides of border feel President Musharraf’s observation was not entirely wrong.

FILE PIC/AFP.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee would have been a strong contender for Nobel Peace prize had last minute hitch not derailed July 2001 Agra Summit agreement between the then prime minister and Pakistan President General Parvez Musharraf. Two years later As prime minister , Vajpayee came close to amicably settling another vexed dispute -- over Ramjanambhoomi-Babri masjid when another last minute spanner deprived him from going down in history as greatest Indian. Ironically, on both occasions, his own party and the Sangh parivar was not with him. In his new book, “ My Country, My Life,” Vajpayee’s close associate L K Advani had admitted how Agra summit was impaired. He, along with many NDA ministers, BJP-RSS functionaries had seen Agra summit as a huge PR disaster for the NDA government. Advani had written in his autobiography, “the Pakistan leader’s televised breakfast meeting with Indian editors, blasting India’s position on cross-border terrorism and Jammu and Kashmir ensured the collapse of the summit in acrimony and mutual blame-game.” In Advani’s words, Vajpayee government was “accused of poor planning and allowing Musharraf to launch an audacious bid to ambush Vajpayee on commitments which would recognise Kashmir as the core issue between India and Pakistan with no references to cross-border terrorism or Islamabad’s commitment to a peaceful resolution of the dispute under the Shimla Agreement.” Advani had also written in his book that President Musharraf in his memoirs, “ In the Line of Fire”  had accused the BJP hardliner of scuttling the summit. Many scholars on both sides of border feel President Musharraf’s observation was not entirely wrong. For Advani, who was present at Agra, the exercise of drafting a joint declaration was not unsatisfactory. “ The inconclusive draft, which (foreign minister) Jaswant Singh brought from his meeting with Pakistan’s foreign minister, Abdul Sattar, was discussed at the informal meeting of the (cabinet committee on security) that the prime minister convened in his suite on the evening of the July 15. I noticed that there was no reference to cross-border terrorism in the draft. ‘This cannot be accepted,’ I said. My view was unanimously endorsed by all present in the room.” In 2003, an upbeat All India Muslim Personal Law Board in Lucknow had summoned its grand assembly to clinch the Babri Masjid issue on the premise that the Vajpayee regime and the Sankaracharya of Kanchi would prevail upon the VHP to accept the legal mandate on the Ayodhya dispute. The board had given its final touches to a proposal to be made to Sri Jayendra Saraswati that had sought a mosque within the 67 acres of undisputed land, a legal mandate to debar Hindutva forces from raking up Mathura and Kashi, and a plaque at the disputed site recording the chronology of the dispute. The moderates in the otherwise hawkish AIMPLB had got a shot in the arm when the influential Nadwa theological school decided to back the board’s bid to hammer out a compromise. Maulana Rabey Nadwi, rector of Darul-Ulum Nadwa, said there was no harm in a negotiated settlement. The Muslim Personal Law Board had invited all Muslim MPs and community leaders to thrash out the Ayodhya issue. However, Vajpayee and Kanchi Sankaracharya’s efforts to end the Ayodhya dispute were criticised by a section of the VHP clergy. It was a make-or-break gamble for Vajpayee who was keen to find a permanent  solution to end Ayodhya impasse as it was unwilling to give a piece of land for a new Babri masjid enar the disputed site. After Godhra train carnage, VHP leaders had publicly derided the Prime Minister, saying there was no point in his party leading the coalition if the BJP ideology was not prioritised. Many believe that had Vajpayee had his way at Agra and in Ramjanambhoomi –Babri dispute, India would have been different today. But there are no ifs and buts in history. Author-columnist Rasheed Kidwai is a visiting fellow of ORF. Disclaimer: The opinions, beliefs and views expressed by the various authors and forum participants on this website are personal and do not reflect the opinions, beliefs and views of ABP News Network Pvt Ltd.