This week, Rajya Sabha MP Ajit Kumar Bhuyan, who leads the Anchalik Gana Morcha, was appointed president of the Assam Sanmilito Morcha (ASOM), established along the lines of the INDIA bloc. Jone Ingti Kathar, president of the All Party Hill Leaders Conference (APHLC), and Suprakash Talukder, the Assam state general secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) or CPI(M), were appointed working presidents of the opposition forum. Assam Jatiya Parishad chief Lurinjyoti Gogoi retained the position of general secretary for the alliance.


The appointment of Ajit Kumar Bhuyan as ASOM president came a day after state Congress president Bhupen Borah resigned from the role. By appointing a new president and two working presidents, the bloc’s members clarified their intention to continue without Congress, the state's main opposition party.


The disintegration of Opposition unity followed differences between Congress and other alliance members regarding the candidate for the Behali assembly seat by-election. Initially, the Opposition bloc, which included Congress at the time, had decided to allocate the Behali seat to the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) Liberation or CPI(ML).


However, this decision was later overturned by the All India Congress Committee (AICC), reportedly on the advice of Jorhat Lok Sabha MP Gaurav Gogoi. This move frustrated Bhupen Borah, who felt he had no choice but to resign from the position, as he was unable to bridge the divide between the AICC and the alliance’s non-Congress members. Congress subsequently selected BJP turncoat Jayanta Bora as its candidate for the Behali assembly seat.


Alliance members accused Congress of betrayal. The collapse of opposition unity also highlighted internal factionalism within Congress. While Gaurav Gogoi's recent win in the Jorhat seat was a boost for the party, particularly for Gogoi himself, Congress should remember that this victory was also aided by alliance partners, particularly Raijor Dal and AJP. Gogoi is reportedly eyeing the position of Chief Minister in the 2026 assembly elections, and his camp believes the party need not rely heavily on alliance members.


As a result, the opposition alliance suffered in the lead-up to the bypolls for five assembly seats, giving the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) an advantage. The Assam situation also indicates that Congress may not have learned enough from its recent loss in the Haryana elections.


Beleaguered NPF Eyes Comeback In Nagaland


This week, the Naga People’s Front (NPF) celebrated its 62nd foundation day, during which party president Apong Pongener acknowledged the challenging phase the party is facing but expressed optimism about a return to power soon. Notably, the NPF is the oldest existing party in Nagaland—and across the northeastern region—originating from the Democratic Party of Nagaland, formed on October 21, 1963.


The party governed Nagaland from 2003 to 2018, positioning itself as anti-Congress. However, its fortunes declined when current Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio, who held the office during most of the NPF’s governance years, joined the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP). In the 2018 state elections, NPF lost power to the NDPP-BJP coalition and has since remained marginalized. Despite being anti-Congress in Nagaland and part of the BJP-led NDA in neighboring Manipur, NPF supported Congress in Nagaland during the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, citing “secularism.” Later, in an effort to address the Naga political issue, the NPF—then the main opposition party—joined the NDPP-BJP government, known as the People’s Democratic Alliance (PDA) government.


These inconsistent moves have weakened the party, reducing its seats to only two in the 2023 state assembly polls—a loss of 24 seats. Following the election, NPF, which had contested separately, decided to support the Neiphiu Rio-led NDPP-BJP government. During this year’s Lok Sabha polls, the party supported the PDA, which ultimately lost to Congress.


Though Congress, banking on Christian support and anti-BJP votes, won Nagaland's sole Lok Sabha seat, its organizational structure in the state remains weak, leaving an opposition vacuum. While NPF president Pongener is hopeful of returning to power, he must consider that the party has yet to establish itself as a viable alternative to the ruling NDPP. Reports of internal dissent also persist, with some party members, including grassroots supporters, favouring NPF legislature leader Kuzholuzo Nienu over Pongener, who succeeded veteran politician Shurhozelie Liezietsu last year. This internal strife suggests the NPF has significant groundwork to cover before aspiring to power again.


Signs of Strain In Ruling Alliance In Tripura


This week, TIPRA Motha legislator Ranjit Debbarma slammed the state’s tribal welfare minister, Bikash Debbarma, alleging mismanagement of the ministry and inadequate scholarships for tribal students compared to other states. He demanded Bikash’s resignation.


Recently, Minister Bikash Debbarma has also faced accusations of corruption from the Opposition, which he has denied. However, criticism from an ally is embarrassing for the ruling BJP.


Tensions between allies BJP and TIPRA Motha are longstanding. Ranjit Debbarma, a former leader of the All Tripura Tigers Force (ATTF), is known within his party as an anti-BJP figure. Reports indicate that he was displeased with TIPRA Motha founder Pradyot Debbarma’s decision to ally with the BJP. Friction between the allies may intensify, especially with the pending Village Committee Elections of the Tripura Tribal Areas Autonomous District Council (TTAADC), expected later this year or early next year. TIPRA Motha aims to dominate these elections to assert its influence in the tribal belt, while the BJP hopes to expand its own base in the region — a goal unlikely to gain support from TIPRA Motha’s grassroots members.


The author is a political commentator.


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