Every year during the monsoon season, Assam's news headlines speak about a common problem — the flood crisis. This year is no different — the state has already faced two waves of floods affecting all 35 districts. The first wave took place between May 28 and June 13, while the current wave began on June 16. According to a July report, more than 50 lives were lost due to the floods, while 24 lakh people were displaced or affected.


The situation is gradually improving with the affected population decreasing to over 73,000 people across 10 districts. It’s another unfortunate story that the floods in Assam don’t get the attention they deserve in the mainstream discussion.


At a time when the northeastern state was grappling with floods, Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman mentioned financial assistance to Assam during her Budget speech, which was heartening. The finance minister noted how the northeastern state struggles with the flood crisis every year because of the river Brahmaputra and its tributaries and announced a financial package of Rs 11,500 crore for various flood-affected states across the nation.


Although the finance minister acknowledged the flood crisis in the northeastern state, she did not specify how much the state will receive from the announced package of Rs 11,500 crore. The flood crisis is a very serious issue. Only blaming the monsoon season, Brahmaputra, and its tributaries won’t suffice — the state government and the Centre have their own responsibilities.


The government’s embankment approach to check floods has never worked. Most of these embankments were built back in the 1960s and 1970s. According to reports, building more resilient embankments has mostly remains on paper.


What makes it more difficult is the nature of the Brahmaputra, which often changes its course. Erosion is another major cause. According to reports, more than 4.27 lakh hectares — around 7.5% of the state’s total land area — have been eroded by the Brahmaputra and its tributaries. The people of the state need governmental solutions. For this, the northeastern state needs adequate funds, and the Centre has to be really serious — mere lip service won’t do — to help the state address this decades-old serious problem. The BJP came to power in the state in 2016, promising to address this issue. It needs to get serious now.


Another Farcical Panchayat Election in Tripura Under BJP Rule


In the last three-tier panchayat elections of the northeastern state of Tripura held in 2019, the ruling BJP, amid allegations of preventing and attacking Opposition candidates from filing nominations, secured 85% of the seats uncontested — dealing a big blow to the elections, which ultimately turned into a farce.


Voters hoped that this time, a 2019 rerun could be avoided this year. But nothing much changed. There were the same allegations of ruling BJP cadres preventing and attacking the Opposition CPM and Congress candidates from filing nominations and even pressuring Opposition candidates to withdraw nominations.


A CPM candidate for South Tripura Zilla Parishad named Badal Shill died after he was attacked by miscreants, allegedly belonging to the BJP. This is definitely a failure of the state election commission, which once again failed to be efficient in ensuring a well-functioning democracy in the state.


As a result, the ruling BJP is set to win 70% of the seats unopposed. Although this figure is less than the 85% of 2019, this can’t negate the fact that once again democracy has been attacked during the panchayat elections in the state under the rule of the BJP. The saffron party secured 4,805 seats unopposed out of 6,909 seats and bagged 4,550 unchallenged — 71% — out of 6,370 seats at the gram panchayat level while winning 235 unopposed — 56% — out of 423 panchayat samiti seats. Only at the Zilla Parishad level, a close fight is expected as the BJP was able to win just 17% of the seats unchallenged.


It is true that even the Left won rural body seats uncontested during its rule. But the percentage of unopposed victories was never as high as witnessed twice during the BJP rule. It’s very unfortunate for the health of democracy. But the ruling BJP isn’t too keen on accepting this harsh reality.


This week, state party president Rajib Bhattacharjee blamed the Opposition parties for failing to field candidates in all the seats. True, the Opposition parties are organisationally weak in some rural areas, but putting the entire blame on the Opposition parties is just an act of escaping from reality. Media reports from the state also support the allegations of the Opposition parties against the ruling party.


This was the same argument given by ruling Trinamool Congress top leaders during the last panchayat body polls in Bengal, which, too, were a farce. The Opposition parties, including BJP, CPM, and Congress, had then criticised this approach of TMC. It’s surprising that the BJP, which was very vocal regarding democracy in Bengal, is doing the same against the Opposition in Tripura.


Manipur Ethnic Violence Gets Religious Colour?


This week the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) accused the Meitei-armed group Arambai Tenggol of targeting Christians in Manipur. This allegation comes a year after the ethnic violence between Meiteis and Kuki-Zomis. Notably, the Nagas, the third major ethnic group of the state, aren’t yet involved in this violence.


Before this, it must be mentioned that the ethnic violence isn't religious in nature. It is true that churches are attacked during the ethnic violence, but these are the Kuki-worshipped churches leaving the churches of the Nagas. Meitei Christians were also attacked by Kuki-Zomis, who happen to be Christians. According to Meitei Christians, their churches were also burnt by Kuki-Zomis. If this was a religious conflict, why would Christians attack other Christians?


Churches were not the only victims of this violence. More than 300 Meitei temples and their sacred sites were also vandalised. Unfortunately, this fact is often not highlighted while discussing the ethnic violence.


Then why is the NSCN(IM) now making such allegations, bringing the angle of religion? Is this a pressure tactic by the militant group on the Centre? Let’s not forget that the militant group has been in talks with the Centre since 1997 to find a solution to the Naga Peace Deal. The deal is in a deadlock as the NSCN(IM) is adamant on a separate Naga flag and a separate constitution — and the Centre is not willing to accept these demands. Maybe the NSCN(IM) feels that by giving a religious twist to this ethnic violence it would be able to indirectly express its displeasure at the Centre over the pending Naga Peace Solution.


There can be other reasons too. Arambai Tenggol is believed to be supported by the current state government. The Meitei armed group was founded by the titular king of the Meitei royal dynasty Leishamba Sanajaoba, who is the BJP’s Rajya Sabha MP. This militant group is believed to be supported by the state chief minister Biren Singh.


By targeting the Arambai Tenggol, NSCN(IM) has also targeted the state government led by Biren Singh, who enjoys the support of a section of Naga MLAs belonging to BJP and its allies. This seems to be a pressure tactic by NSCN(IM) to pressure the Centre into removing Biren Singh from the post of Chief Minister. Let’s not forget that NSCN(IM) influences the Naga MLAs of Manipur too.


The author is a political commentator.


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