At a time when the Congress and other opposition parties in the northeastern state of Assam are trying to unite by ironing out their differences under the United Opposition Forum, an extension of the Indian National Democratic Inclusive Alliance (I.N.D.I.A), the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party is also busy strengthening the National Democratic Alliance ahead of the Lok Sabha polls to be held next year. This week, the saffron party held a meeting with its allies in Kamrup district to discuss strategies and increase coordination among the NDA constituents.
This is not the first meeting of the ruling alliance, as this year saw such meet-ups of the NDA constituents taking place with the aim of increasing coordination among themselves. However, in this NDA meeting, apart from the BJP, the Assam Gana Parishad and United People’s Party Liberal, two small ethnic-based parties — Sanmilita Ganashakti Asom and Rabha Hasong Joutha Samiti — were also present. The attendees included state chief minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, state BJP president Bhabesh Kalita, AGP president and state agricultural minister Atul Bora, UPPL president Pramod Boro, who is also the Chief Executive Member of the Bodoland Territorial Council, Sanmilita Ganashakti Asom’s Paramanda Chayengia, and Rabha Hasong Joutha Samiti’s Tankeshwar Rabha.
In the northeastern state, the saffron party has been banking on a rainbow alliance combining different ethnic communities. It is this rainbow alliance that helped the party win the state elections of 2016 and 2021. Currently, Sanmilita Ganashakti Asom and BJP are in power in the Mising Autonomous Council, where the former’s Paramanda Chayengia is the Chief Executive Member. However, the saffron party has a strained relationship with this regional outfit. Its only MLA, Bhuban Pegu of the Jonai (ST) constituency, joined the saffron party before the 2021 elections and currently represents the saffron party from the same constituency. Another leader of the regional party, Ranoj Pegu, joined the saffron party in 2017. He is currently the legislator from the Dhemaji (ST) constituency and also the state’s education minister. On the other hand, Rabha Hasong Joutho Samiti and BJP share power in the Rabha Hasong Autonomous Council, where the former’s Tankeshwar Rabha is the Chief Executive Member. The regional outfit’s candidate Shyamjit Rabha contested in the 2021 elections from the Dudhnai (ST) constituency on BJP’s symbol, but he lost to Congress’s Jadab Sawargiary.
The state has more than 38 lakh tribals, according to the 2011 census. This accounts for around 13% of the state’s population. Out of that, around 3 lakh tribals belong to the Rabha community, while around 7 lakh are from the Mising community. By retaining the alliance with these small ethnic-based parties, the BJP, on the one hand, is trying to send a message to both Rabhas and Misings that it is concerned about their development, and on the other hand, it is solidifying its rainbow alliance based on an ethnic combination in the state to fight against the Congress-led United Opposition Forum in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections.
ITLF’s Call For Local Governing Body In Manipur Not A Solution
This week there were reports that the Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum, the apex body of the Kuki-Zomi tribes in the northeastern state of Manipur, has announced self-rule in at least three Kuki-Zomi-dominated districts — Tengnoupal, Kangpokpi, and Churachandpur. This didn’t go well with the state government, which termed this demand as illegal (an FIR was filed in this regard). State education minister Th Basantakumar Singh condemned it and said that this demand is aimed at vitiating and disturbing the law and order situation in the state. However, days after this news, ITLF spokesperson Ginza Vualzong refuted these reports of “self-rule” and claimed that the body is “mulling on adopting a local governing body” in line with the country’s Constitution to govern the three Kuki-dominated districts.
The claim of ITLF mulling on adopting a local governing body in line with the Constitution in the three Kuki-Zomi-dominated districts is not a solution to the problem. The ITLF and the Kuki-Zomis have to understand that the division of the state is not feasible. Such demands are only likely to vitiate and disturb the law and order situation of the state, which for the last six months has been awaiting normalcy.
It is an undeniable fact that there has been a clear division of the state as a result of violence, with Meitei-dominated areas having no Kuki-Zomis and vice-versa. But this division can’t be the reason for the division of the state as the ITLF and Kuki-Zomis are demanding. This clear ethnic divide is due to the failure of the BJP-led Biren Singh state government and also the BJP-led Narendra Modi government at the Centre. Biren Singh, a Meitei, has lost the support of the Kuki-Zomis, and a section of Meiteis is also unhappy with the way he has been running the government — still, the Centre is backing him and is refusing to remove him. This has led to a situation of deadlock, thus keeping the pot of unrest boiling in the state.
BJP Faces Factionalism Heat In Tripura
Factionalism is refusing to abate within the ruling BJP in the northeastern state of Tripura. There is a faction that has been working against the chief minister Manik Saha. The faction has been alleging that Saha is unable to take everyone on board.
This Thursday, the Tripura Darpan, a leading Bengali daily in the state, carried a report on its front page that Saha went to Delhi hurriedly on Wednesday after he was summoned by the party’s central leadership. It has to be mentioned that he visited Delhi last week. The same report mentioned that during his last visit, he had complained to the central leadership about the party leaders and ministers working against him and following this, the rival faction also provided a list of complaints to the central leadership against the chief minister.
It is well-known that since Biplab Deb was removed from the post of Chief Minister last year and was moved to Delhi by making him a Rajya Sabha member, he has been trying to return to state politics. On the other hand, West Tripura Lok Sabha member and Union minister of state Pratima Bhowmik is also eyeing the post of the Chief Minister. This year after the saffron party barely managed to return to power, Pratima, with the help of Biplab, tried her best to secure the Chief Minister’s chair. But her attempt was blocked by the central leadership, which again reposed its faith in Saha, known for his non-controversial and soft-speaking image. According to the political grapevine, both the senior leaders have become active in their attempts to remove Saha from his post.
However, the factionalism within the ruling party has been causing a negative effect on the governance of the state. There are three vacant slots in the state cabinet. The chief minister has been holding many key ministries, including health, education, PWD, revenue, forest, urban development, water, law, panchayat, home, and science and technology. With the chief minister handling many key ministries since the formation of the second saffron government in March this year, there has been a lot of pressure on him. Unfortunately, even after eight months, the three vacant slots of the state cabinet haven’t been filled with Saha failing to expand the cabinet — and one of the main reasons for this is the rampant factionalism within the ruling party.
The author is a political commentator.
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