There is no plausible explanation to why certain Ministers were removed and then restored. Removal of the State's Chief Secretary is also wrapped in layers of mystery and intrigue. In some ways, Manmohan Singh was the architect of the Congress's 2009 victory (at least in the rise of the Congress tally of Lok Sabha seats on account of smooth passage of the N-deal).
But the office of the Prime Minister stood completely exposed the day Rahul Gandhi tore a copy of a Government Ordinance in full public view at the Press Club of India. Manmohan Singh was travelling abroad. Upon return, he sulked and Rahul Gandhi went to meet him to express regret but irreparable damage was done.
In the subsequent Assembly and parliamentary polls, Rahul Gandhi went on accommodating tainted and corrupt elements, making a mockery of his Press Club stand on convicted lawmakers. The compromise proved costly in 2014 Lok Sabha election. For the past one week, Akhilesh Yadav had plenty of opportunity to salvage his Government’s image constantly taunted as one run by four and half Chief Ministers. for once, Tipu had acted swiftly and shown some spine. It was too much to expect him to act as a modern day Aurangzeb (or a Chandrababu Naidu's revolt against father-in-law NTR.
But Tipu of Lucknow could have followed in the footsteps of Tipu Sultan who had vetoed father Haider Ali’s advice to make peace with the British. Tipu of Mysore at least earned a glorious place in history as someone who resisted British imperialism till his last breath. Away from the public glare, the father-son equation at Kalidas Marg, Lucknow, is far from smooth.
It is often said that Ram Gopal Yadav’s real importance is in being a communication link between Mulayam and Akhilesh and vice-versa. In this context, Mulayam’s harsh words assume significance.
The father’s accusation that Akhilesh’s failure as Chief Minister cost him the Prime Minister’s chair is harsh and likely to cause more damage than Rahul tearing Manmohan Singh's ordinance in full public view.
If Mulayam had cared to weigh his words, he would have realised that Samajwadis getting five seats out of 80 was as much his failure as his son’s. As hed of the Samajwadi bandwagon, was not Mulayam responsible for the selection of Lok Sabha candidates and campaign?
Similarly, Akhilesh deserves credit for the 2012 Assembly poll victory. This was a time Rahul Gandhi was spending a lot of time in Uttar Pradesh. By November 2011, credible opinion polls had indicated that Mayawati would be losing power, but there was an element of uncertainty about who would fill the void.
Akhilesh, leading cycle yatras and offering laptops, emerged as a youth icon and a symbol of hope, beating Rahul hollow.
By the time two rounds of polling were over, virtually everyone in Lucknow was convinced that Akhilesh, 38, would be the youngest Chief Minister of the State. At 76, the patriarch is increasingly becoming incoherent and politically irrelevant. Mulayam is unable to accept that his failure to become Prime Minister in 1997 (As Deve Gowda’s successor) is history.
He regrets not becoming a Prakash Singh Badal in 2012 (becoming Chief Minister and tutoring Akhilesh as his deputy. The move would have been extremely unpopular. Constant bickering and palace intrigue in the Yadav household have gone beyond his control. His coterie, family and fair-weather friends are getting increasingly restless as they see no hope beyond February 2017. From now on, the Samajwadi Party's poll prospects would get from bad to worse. From February 2017 onwards, both father and son will have plenty of chance to speak and go public.